Causes of ww1 essay plan


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Article of the Treaty of Versailles, which had seemingly assigned all responsibility for the war to Germany and thus justified the Allied claim to reparations , was invalid. The exiled Wilhelm praised Barnes upon meeting him in According to Barnes, Wilhelm "was happy to know that I did not blame him for starting the war in He disagreed with my view that Russia and France were chiefly responsible. He held that the villains of were the international Jews and Free Masons who, he alleged, desired to destroy national states and the Christian religion.

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The German Foreign Ministry lavished special "care" upon the efforts of both Fay and Barnes with generous use of the German archives, and in the case of Barnes, research funds provided by the German government. In it the Kaiser lists twelve "proofs" from the more extensive "Comparative Historical Tables" that he had compiled, which demonstrate the preparations for war by the Entente Powers made in the spring and summer of In a different approach, Lenin in his pamphlet Imperialism: the Highest Stage of Capitalism portrayed the war as imperialist , caused by rivalries triggered by highly organised financial monopolies, that by frenzied competition for markets and raw materials, had inevitably brought about the war.

Evidence of secret deals between the Tsar and British and French governments to split the spoils of war was released by the Soviets in — In the s and s, more socialist works built on this theme, a line of analysis which is still to be found, although vigorously disputed on the grounds that wars occurred before the capitalist era. He identified railways as a 'summation' of the basic capitalist industries, coal, iron and steel and that their uneven development summed up capitalist development.

The National Socialist approach to the question of the war's origins were summed up in a pamphlet entitled Deutschkunde uber Volk, Staat, Leibesubungen. In , the British ambassador to Germany, Sir Eric Phipps , summed up the contents of Deutschkunde uber Volk, Staat, Leibesubungen which described the origins of the war thus:. But Germany has also guilt to bear. She could have prevented the world war on three fronts, if she had not waited so long.


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The opportunity presented itself often—against England in the Boer War , against Russia when she was engaged against Japan That she did not do so is Germany's guilt, though a proof that she was peaceful and wanted no war. In the inter-war period, various factors such as the network of secret alliances, emphasis on speed of offence, rigid military planning, Darwinian ideas and a lack of resolution mechanisms were blamed by many historians.

These ideas have maintained some currency since then. Famous proponents include Joachim Remak and Paul Kennedy.


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  • At the same time, many one-sided works were produced by politicians and other participants, often trying to exculpate themselves. In Germany these tended to deflect blame, while in Allied countries they tended to blame Germany or Austria-Hungary. In , the German historian Fritz Fischer published the controversial Griff nach der Weltmacht , in which Fischer argued that the German government had an expansionist foreign policy, formulated in the aftermath of Social Democratic gains in the election of and had started a war of aggression in Fischer was the first historian to have full access to the entire remaining German World War I archives.

    Previous historians had only been able to access heavily edited archives that had been created in order to support the view that war was the inevitable product of the breakdown of international diplomacy, rather than the end result of German expansionist ambitions. He was the first to draw attention to the War Council held by the Kaiser Wilhelm II and the top military-naval leadership of the Reich on December 8, , in which it was declared that Germany would start a war of aggression in the summer of Fischer's discovery of Imperial German government documents prepared after the war began, calling for the ethnic cleansing of Russian Poland and German colonization to provide Germany with Lebensraum living space as a war aim, has also led to the widespread acceptance by historians of continuity between the foreign policies of Germany in and Fischer alleged the German government hoped to use external expansion and aggression to check internal dissent and democratization.

    Some of his work is based on Theobald von Bethmann-Hollweg 's Septemberprogramm which laid out Germany's war aims. Controversially, Fischer asserted a version of the Sonderweg thesis that drew a connection between aggression in and Fischer was later to call Bethmann-Hollweg the "Hitler of ". Fischer prompted the Primat der Innenpolitik "primacy of domestic politics" school, emphasizing domestic German political factors.

    In a major conference entitled "the Fischer Controversy 50 Years On", a group of historians and academics debated the legacy of Fischer's work. The conclusion was that " The "Berlin War Party" thesis and variants of it, blaming domestic German political factors, became something of an orthodoxy in the years after publication. Nonetheless many authors have attacked it. German conservative historians such as Gerhard Ritter asserted that the thesis was dishonest and inaccurate.

    Ritter promoted the idea that Germany displayed the same traits as other countries and could not be singled out. In a essay, Ritter contended that Germany's principal goal in was to maintain Austria-Hungary as a great power, and thus German foreign policy was largely defensive as opposed to Fischer's claim that it was mostly aggressive.

    Fischer argued that in private, Ritter admitted that some evidence supported Fischer on some points. In a letter to Hans Rothfels on March 26, , before publishing an article attacking Fischer, Ritter wrote:. If Bethmann, as you write, in July had the 'desire' [ Wunsch ] to bring about war with Russia, then either he played without conscience with the fate of the German people, or he had simply incredible illusions about our military capablilities.

    In any case, Fischer would then be completely in the right when he denies that Bethmann seriously wanted to avoid war If what in your view, Riezler 's diary reveals is correct, I would have to discard my article, instead of publishing it In any case we are dealing here with a most ominous [ unheimlichen ] state secret, and all historical perspectives are displaced [ verschieben sich ], since Bethmann Hollweg's September Program then appears in a wholly different light". Militarism Concession : Though militarism readied nations for war, created tension with detailed military plans, and caused an arms race, in the end it did not play a large role in causing the great war Created an environment ready for.

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